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Lädt ... Janesville: An American Story (Original 2017; 2018. Auflage)| 458 | 23 | 54,145 | 
(4.02) | 23 | "A Washington Post reporter's intimate account of the fallout from the closing of a General Motors' assembly plant in Janesville, Wisconsin--Paul Ryan's hometown--and a larger story of the hollowing of the American middle class. This is the story of what happens to an industrial town in the American heartland when its factory stills--but it's not the familiar tale. Most observers record the immediate shock of vanished jobs, but few stay around long enough to notice what happens next, when a community with a can-do spirit tries to pick itself up. Pulitzer Prize winner Amy Goldstein has spent years immersed in Janesville, Wisconsin where the nation's oldest operating General Motors plant shut down in the midst of the Great Recession, two days before Christmas of 2008. Now, with intelligence, sympathy, and insight into what connects and divides people in an era of economic upheaval, she makes one of America's biggest political issues human. Her reporting takes the reader deep into the lives of autoworkers, educators, bankers, politicians, and job re-trainers to show why it's so hard in the twenty-first century to recreate a healthy, prosperous working class. For this is not just a Janesville story or a Midwestern story. It's an American story"--… (mehr) |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. For Cynthia ad Robert Goldstein, who taught me to love - and look up - words and have never stopped trying to improve their community  | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. At 7:07 a.m., the last Tahoe reaches the end of the assembly line. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. Keeping up appearances, trying to hide the ways that pain is seeping in, is one thing that happens when good jobs go away and middle-class people tumble out of the middle class. Over a few years, it became evident that no one outside—not the Democrats nor the Republicans, not the bureaucrats in Madison or in Washington, not the fading unions nor the struggling corporations—had the key to create the middle class anew. Wisconsin sends off to the company its final economic incentive package to try to land the new small car for Janesville’s assembly plant. The package adds up to $195 million: $115 million in state tax credits and energy-efficiency grants, the $20 million that Marv Wopat pushed through the county board, $15 million from the strapped Janesville city government, and $2 million from Beloit, plus private industry incentives, including from the businesses willing to buy out the tavern in the assembly plant’s parking lot. And that isn’t counting concessions worth $213 million that UAW Local 95 is willing to sacrifice in exchange for retrieving jobs. The biggest incentive package in Wisconsin history... Michigan offered nearly five times as much. to offer General Motors the amazing sum of $779 million worth of tax breaks over the next twenty years and $135 million in job-training funds, plus water and sewer credits from Orion Township and money from a fund to help companies find good workers. In all, more than $1 billion in public money. When General Motors decided last year to build a Chevy compact, the Cruze, at its assembly plant in Lordstown, Ohio, that state gave GM $220 million in incentives. After the Ford Motor Company decided last year to spend $75 million to renovate a truck plant in Wayne, Michigan, in order to manufacture a compact model, the Ford Focus, the state of Michigan agreed to give Ford $387 million in tax credits and rebates. And when Volkswagen last year decided to build a plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, to manufacture a sedan, the Passat, that company received $554 million in state and local tax breaks. All were more than Wisconsin offered General Motors to try to get the lights back on at Janesville. Even in this high-stakes, high-priced environment, Michigan’s play in the bidding war at 6 a.m. on August 1, 2011, when production of the Sonic began, 40 percent of the workers were paid $14 an hour. Many parts were shipped from South Korea. The engines came from Mexico. And in another innovation, some parts suppliers began working right inside the Orion plant. Their average wage: $10 an hour. This was the price of victory. The evidence is thin that job training in the United States is an effective way to lead laid-off workers back into solid employment. These are kids whose parents used to scrape by on jobs at Burger King or Target or the Gas Mart. Now their parents are competing with the unemployed autoworkers who used to look down on these jobs but now are grasping at any job they can find. So, as middle-class families have been tumbling downhill, working-class families have been tumbling into poverty. And as this down-into-poverty domino effect happens, some parents are turning to drinking or drugs. Some are leaving their kids behind while they go looking for work out of town. Some are just unable to keep up the rent. So with a parent or on their own, a growing crop of teenagers is surfing the couches at friends’ and relatives’ places—or spending nights in out-of-the-way spots in cars or on the street. There is a hub, too, for food, which is plentiful and has, for days, included free deliveries of Ian’s Pizza, which is just a block up State Street from the capitol. Ian’s has been deluged with phone calls and online orders from protest sympathizers from all fifty states and two dozen nations, who, in acts of long-distance solidarity, are paying for the pizzas to be delivered to the capitol so that the demonstrators do not go hungry. Counterintuitive as it may seem, the out-of-a-job workers who went to Blackhawk are working less than the others. Nearly two thousand laid-off people in and around Janesville have studied at Blackhawk. Only about one in three has a steady job—getting at least some pay every season of the year—compared with about half the laid-off people who did not go back to school. Besides, the people who went to Blackhawk are not earning as much money. Before the recession, their wages had been about the same as for other local workers. By this summer, the people who have found a new job without retraining are being paid, on average, about 8 percent less than they were paid before. But those who went to Blackhawk are being paid, on average, one third less than before. Most startling, the group whose pay has fallen the most are people like Mike, who stuck it out at Blackhawk until they graduated. These successful students tended to have had higher wages before the recession. For that reason, the decrease in their pay is especially steep, dropping by nearly half. | |
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▾Literaturhinweise Literaturhinweise zu diesem Werk aus externen Quellen.  Wikipedia auf Englisch
Keine ▾Buchbeschreibungen "A Washington Post reporter's intimate account of the fallout from the closing of a General Motors' assembly plant in Janesville, Wisconsin--Paul Ryan's hometown--and a larger story of the hollowing of the American middle class. This is the story of what happens to an industrial town in the American heartland when its factory stills--but it's not the familiar tale. Most observers record the immediate shock of vanished jobs, but few stay around long enough to notice what happens next, when a community with a can-do spirit tries to pick itself up. Pulitzer Prize winner Amy Goldstein has spent years immersed in Janesville, Wisconsin where the nation's oldest operating General Motors plant shut down in the midst of the Great Recession, two days before Christmas of 2008. Now, with intelligence, sympathy, and insight into what connects and divides people in an era of economic upheaval, she makes one of America's biggest political issues human. Her reporting takes the reader deep into the lives of autoworkers, educators, bankers, politicians, and job re-trainers to show why it's so hard in the twenty-first century to recreate a healthy, prosperous working class. For this is not just a Janesville story or a Midwestern story. It's an American story"-- ▾Bibliotheksbeschreibungen Keine Bibliotheksbeschreibungen gefunden. ▾Beschreibung von LibraryThing-Mitgliedern
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Aktuelle DiskussionenKeine Google Books — Lädt ... |
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This book was tagged "economics" - that is utter bullshit. There is nothing about economics in this book. It is full of touchy-feely smarm.
It is "political science" as it says on the back, as Goldstein loves her Democrats and also loves dissing Republicans. One time she even makes an evil Republican out of someone because he DARED to trade emails with a really evil Republican. Eat shit, Amy!
So much so that she leaves out important information when it suits her! Every politician gets his label, democrat or republican. Every politician? No! Of course not! Because when it comes to the great early improvements for unions and workers, she calls the responsible politician, La Follette, simply "progressive". So, that makes you compare him to today's progressives and that means democart. But sure as fucking hell La Follette who helped the workers and the unions was a Republican! Quit those lies by omission, dumbface Amy!
It is not economics, because Amy has no clue about economics. She also has no clue about a lot of other things. When you write "computer IT" it makes you look stupid, Amy. (