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Lädt ... The Bible Told Them So: How Southern Evangelicals Fought to Preserve White Supremacy| 42 | 1 | 596,625 | 
(5) | Keine | "The Bible Told Them So explains why southern white evangelical Christians in South Carolina resisted the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. Simply put, they believed the Bible told them so. Interpreting the Bible in such a way, these white Christians entered the battle against the civil rights movement certain that God was on their side. Ultimately, the civil rights movement triumphed in the 1960s and, with its success, fundamentally transformed American society. But such a victory did little to change southern white evangelicals' theological commitment to segregation. Rather than abandoning their segregationist theology in the second half of the 1960s, white evangelicals turned their focus on institutions they still controlled-churches, homes, denominations, and private colleges and secondary schools-and fought on. Despite suffering defeat in the public sphere, white evangelicals continued to battle for their own institutions, preaching and practicing a segregationist Christianity they continued to believe reflected God's will. Increasingly caught in the tension between their sincere beliefs that God desired segregation and their reticence to vocalize such ideas for fear of seeming bigoted or intolerant by the late 1960s, southern white evangelicals eventually embraced rhetoric of colorblindness and protection of the family as measures to maintain both segregation and respectable social standing. Such a strategy set southern white evangelicals on an alternative path for race relations in the decades ahead"--… (mehr) |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. for Kristi, my love  | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. (Introduction) On a June afternoon in 1963, nearly 250 religious leaders gathered in the East Room of the White House. (Chapter 1) William Tecumseh Sherman and his soldiers entered Orangeburg, South Carolina, in February 1865, only weeks before the horrific war they were fighting marked its fourth year. | |
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Die Informationen stammen von der englischen "Wissenswertes"-Seite. Ändern, um den Eintrag der eigenen Sprache anzupassen. White evangelicals desiring a solution to the problem of race would do well to begin their search for answers by acknowledging and addressing the "brutality and the injustice" of the segregationist theology that has so deeply shaped their past even as it continues to influence their present. (Zum Anzeigen anklicken. Warnung: Enthält möglicherweise Spoiler.) | |
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▾Literaturhinweise Literaturhinweise zu diesem Werk aus externen Quellen.  Wikipedia auf Englisch
Keine ▾Buchbeschreibungen "The Bible Told Them So explains why southern white evangelical Christians in South Carolina resisted the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. Simply put, they believed the Bible told them so. Interpreting the Bible in such a way, these white Christians entered the battle against the civil rights movement certain that God was on their side. Ultimately, the civil rights movement triumphed in the 1960s and, with its success, fundamentally transformed American society. But such a victory did little to change southern white evangelicals' theological commitment to segregation. Rather than abandoning their segregationist theology in the second half of the 1960s, white evangelicals turned their focus on institutions they still controlled-churches, homes, denominations, and private colleges and secondary schools-and fought on. Despite suffering defeat in the public sphere, white evangelicals continued to battle for their own institutions, preaching and practicing a segregationist Christianity they continued to believe reflected God's will. Increasingly caught in the tension between their sincere beliefs that God desired segregation and their reticence to vocalize such ideas for fear of seeming bigoted or intolerant by the late 1960s, southern white evangelicals eventually embraced rhetoric of colorblindness and protection of the family as measures to maintain both segregation and respectable social standing. Such a strategy set southern white evangelicals on an alternative path for race relations in the decades ahead"-- ▾Bibliotheksbeschreibungen Keine Bibliotheksbeschreibungen gefunden. ▾Beschreibung von LibraryThing-Mitgliedern
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BewertungDurchschnitt: (5)| 0.5 | | | 1 | | | 1.5 | | | 2 | | | 2.5 | | | 3 | | | 3.5 | | | 4 | | | 4.5 | | | 5 |  1 |
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The author powerfully demonstrates how a good percentage of white Baptists and Methodists in the 1950s and early 1960s were firmly convinced that God was a fan of segregation and was against race mixing. The author explains the arguments they would make, especially the one rooted in Acts 17:26: since God established the habitations of different people, and had made delineations between white and black people, to intermix would therefore be contrary to God's purposes.
The author provides plenty of documentation for how this view was held and argued and how it powerfully motivated many white South Carolinians to personally encourage their political leaders to resist attempts at desegregation and also encouraged their congregations to make stands to the same end. He skillfully hearkens back to previous instances of pro-slavery and Jim Crow sentiments pervasive in South Carolina for the century beforehand. He showed how they resisted all forms of desegregation and integration in public schools and in church colleges.
The author then goes on to show how the pro-segregationists shifted once it was clear to them that integration was inevitable: they retreated to a domain in which they felt they could have more control, "focusing on the family," and they advocated for a more colorblind posture of "freedom" for all in order to both facilitate the maintenance of segregation academies and to make sure that Black people would obtain no greater benefit than the pretense of equality in society; there would be no redress for the inequities and discrimination of the past, for that would be "racist."
The author did well at staying in the land of his research, but one should not be fooled: such sentiments were restricted neither to South Carolina nor to the Baptists and Methodists. The author has done us a service in helping to continue to explain how we have reached the point we have in our society and the current rhetoric popular therein. Who are the heirs of the segregationist movement and posture? Who are the heirs of the Civil Rights Movement and all it embodied? The answers to these questions are made harder to deny, and harder to genuflect away from, once this book is properly considered.
Highly recommended. (