An important book detailing a side of European history not discussed in depth. I learned much about the end of WWII that I had never known before. The author discusses the "Liberation" of France and the Low Countries after D-Day in terms of how the locals were affected by the Anglo-American military machines; how hunger played a part of the liberation for not only people interred in camps in Germany and Poland, but also the western countries; how some of the liberators brought rape and robbery to Europe as soon as the Germans were gone; how the United Nations UNRRA mission did and didn't succeed in repatriating homeless people after the war; and how the Allies behaved towards Jews in Germany after the war. For people with interest in WWII, I highly recommend this book for a more complete view of the war that won't be found in other histories.
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William Hitchcock’s study of the liberation of Europe in the Second World War is actually four interrelated books contained within a single set of covers. The first book looks at the experience of civilians in northwestern Europe amidst the fighting during the final months of the war. Theirs is a story of painful, often overlooked hardship, as they were subjected to bombs and shells that did not discriminate between them and the German occupiers. For many Belgians, the Battle of the Bulge meant living through the thick of the fighting, while the Dutch, though spared much direct combat, suffered starvation from the disruption of food supplies.

The second book shifts to an examination of the fighting in the east. Here Hitchcock provides a broader account, one that begins with the German invasion in 1941. This allows him to recount the atrocities committed by Nazi forces, something that allows him to put the conduct of Soviet troops into context. Civilians are much less central to Hitchcock’s analysis here, as he also discusses postwar planning for Germany’s fate. It is only when Germany itself becomes the battleground that the civilians reemerge as the central focus of the narrative, where again they are presented as victims of the savagery of war.

The final two sections concentrate on the development and administration of relief efforts for those who survived the fighting. The third book addresses the problem posed by “displaced persons”, the millions of refugees created by the war. Here he examines the efforts not just of the Allied forces but of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), a newly-formed agency that sought to improve on the private relief efforts that characterized the last war. Hitchcock’s final book looks at the civilians who suffered the most – the concentration camp survivors. His focus here is primarily on the Western allies, with separate chapters that address separately how the Americans and the British responded to the morally horrifying and politically complicated question of what to do for those who survived the Holocaust.

Each of these books offers an enlightening examination of the problems civilians faced at the end of the war and in its immediate aftermath. Yet each section stands in seeming isolation from the others, with little effort made to tie them together into a coherent overall portrait. Instead readers are left to piece together for themselves the overall assessment of the experience of liberation. This squanders what is otherwise an interesting book about an often-overlooked aspect of war, one that provides a more complete picture of just how much Europe suffered. ( )

Author provides a valuable insight to the plight of those who were liberated by the Allied Forces during World War II. As example, just a many French citizens died on D-Day from Allied operations as Allied forces in combat. The work is divided into sections dealing with Western Europe, Eastern Europe and Eastern Germany, the movement of Displaced Peoples, and the plight of liberated Jewish inmates in the concentration camps. Extensive bibliography. ( )

"The liberation of Europe will always inspire us, for it contains a multitude of heroic and noble acts, and was at its core an honorable struggle to emancipate millions of people from a vile and barbaric regime. But this book has suggested that when considering the history of Europe's liberation, we not lose sight of the human costs that this epic contest exacted upon defenseless peoples and ordinary lives. There is surely room enough in our histories of World War II for introspection, for humility, and for an abiding awareness of the dreadful ugliness of war."

These closing sentences from William I. Hitchcock's The Bitter Road to Freedom: The Human Cost of Allied Victory in World War II Europe are a better summary of the theme of the book than anything I could come up with. The book discusses the heavy collateral damage of the invasion; the not always wonderful behavior of even the Western armies; and the terrible famine in the Netherlands in the closing months of the war. There is a discussion of the fate of Germany, for which the word "liberation" lacks a certain je ne sais quoi. There is discussion of the tremendous humanitarian crisis facing the Allies after the surrender of Germany. And, in what is probably the most depressing part of the book, there is a long discussion of the fate of displaced persons, particularly the surviving European Jews, after the end of the war.

There is nothing terribly new to say about collateral damage. The French in the Normandy area suffered terribly during the battle. We look at Omaha and forget that total Allied military casualties on the day of the landing were less than projected, and a small fraction of casualties on the first day at the Somme. They were, in fact, considerably less than the French civilian casualties. The breakout and swiftly moving campaign after resulted in fewer civilian casualties, but the practice of plastering isolated pockets of resistance with fighter bombers and artillery meant that civilian casualties continued. Military necessity? Sure, but one must not forget the cost.

American soldiers raped. Okay, that should be no surprise, uncomfortable though it is, and, yes, they raped less than just about anyone else. (The French North African troops had a particularly vile reputation, though nothing like the Russians.) Americans still raped. This caused a great deal of concern at Eisenhower's headquarters (one respect, I suppose, in which the Western Allies differed from their German and Russian counterparts) but the estimated several hundred rapes in one month probably is a low figure. There is also the fuzzy line between rape and prostitution and between rape and romance. Um, yeah, date rape. When the horny guy wanting a little noogy carries a sidearm, your lack of resistance may not reflect an actual romantic interest. Another ugly aspect of this is that black soldiers were far more likely to be hanged for rape, or for any other crime really, than white soldiers. Hitchcock does not explore the possibility that this could be because black soldiers were more likely to rape in the first place, for which I can't really blame him. Given the times, disparate treatment seems almost a foregone.

American soldiers also looted. Again, no surprise, uncomfortable though it is. All the same qualifiers apply.

Ugly as the American racism was, it had a lot of competition from French and Belgian racism. Because black soldiers were usually assigned to the rear echelons rather than combat units, the French and Belgians in liberated areas saw a lot of them, and didn't like what they saw.

The Germans didn't feel like feeding the population of the Netherlands following Market-Garden, and the Allies were reluctant to send in relief supplies that they feared would only be seized by the Germans for their own use. Churchill finally consented to food drops in the last weeks of the war, by which time deaths by starvation were already becoming numerous. Towards the very end, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, the vile Reich Commissioner for the Netherlands, met with the British under flag of truce to discuss civilian relief, and the following exchange ensued:

General Smith: "In any case, you are going to be shot."
Seyss-Inquart: "That leaves me cold."
General Smith: "It will."

The Americans had strict instructions that they were not to fraternize with the Germans. This didn't last long. Eisenhower took the position that, if anyone in Europe was going to go cold or starve (both real possibilities in the postwar devastation), it was going to be the Germans. Didn't quite work out that way, though things were very bad for a long time. This led to something of a scandal: The Army, having trouble shifting gears from a warfighting organization to a humanitarian relief organization, found it convenient to keep displaced persons in the camps in which they were originally kept by the Germans. Instead of barbed wire and armed German guards, it was barbed wire and armed American guards, with the (not inconsiderable) difference that the Americans weren't trying to exterminate the displaced persons. There were good reasons why the Americans were reluctant to let the displaced persons loose on the countryside, but one can understand the anger of the DPs who saw German civilians free outside their camps while they remained confined.

This was particularly ugly in the case of the surviving European Jews, who often felt they had no homes to go back to. Certainly not in Poland, whose citizens too often took the view that the Germans basically had the right idea. (It is difficult to believe the degree of anti-Semitism in much of Europe even after the Holocaust, and I'm not talking German Europe.) The Jewish prisoners had been put in an environment where morality had been deliberately subverted, and which was designed to degrade the prisoners in every possible way, and judging from the American GI's common reaction, it worked. It is painful to read about, but GIs encountering their first Jewish survivors were far more likely to be repulsed than sympathetic. It should be no surprise, perhaps, that the Jewish survivors almost universally embraced Zionism and were faster to organize politically than to organize their sanitation (which the Americans found appalling, though it must have been much improved over what the Jews had experienced under the Germans.) The Americans pressured the British to let the Jews emigrate to Palestine; the British wanted none of it. Instead, the British adopted a policy of swift if procedurally impeccable trial and execution of the surviving SS guards, which would put an end to the matter and allow the Jews to resume assimilating into European culture. The Jews were having none of that, and were deeply offended that the SS guards were even being extended due process of law: Their preference was to treat them as outlaws and summarily hang them. Understandable, I suppose.

The book drags at times, and a couple of things are irksome. For example, Hitchcock presents as an example of American callousness a flow chart for dealing with displaced persons that ends with "Final Disposal." I suspect the word its authors were looking for was "Final Disposition", a genuinely unfortunate error in language, but Hitchcock goes on about how the term "flow chart" and the pipe lines on the chart, ending with "Disposal", show an underlying attitude that the DPs were crap to be processed through a sewer. Um, never heard of a flow chart before?

But by and large it's a worthwhile if sometimes painful read. ( )

Apartire dalla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale, l'Europa ha vissuto enormi cambiamenti sociali, ideologici e politici. Sono state proprio le distruzioni umane e materiali prodotte dalla guerra a spingere i popoli del continente ad una rottura radicale con il proprio passato, ad indurli a trasformare questo spazio geografico da contenitore di Stati in antica rivalità e costante competizione tra loro in un laboratorio in cui si vanno sperimentando nuove forme di stabilità, tolleranza, democrazia e prosperità. Nelle quattro parti in cui è suddiviso ilvolume, Hitchcock analizza il ruolo giocato dagli europei di fronte al predominio americano e sovietico e le sfide opposte da leader come de Gaulle, Brandt, Thatcher e Mitterrand alle due superpotenze. Oggi, mentre laglobalizzazione obbliga il Vecchio Continente a ridefinire la propria identità peraffrontare radicali mutamenti economici e geopolitici, è tanto più urgente ripensare alla storia dell'ultimo cinquantennio. Il continente diviso viene incontro a questa esigenza in modo originale e, al tempo stesso, godibile.

INDICE
Parte prima
L'immediato dopoguerra

Parte seconda
il boom

Parte terza
I ribelli

Parte quarta
L'unità?

Note
Bibliografia ( )