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Hall writes, “In French Louisiana, usefulness was the overriding virtue for immigrants, transcending race, nation, humanity, and any other consideration” (pg. 6-7). Further, “Both the proportions of particular African nations present in early Louisiana and the conditions in Africa, as well as in Louisiana, molded the formation of Afro-Creole culture” (pg. 31). To this end, Hall offers extensive demographic evidence in tracking the development of creole populations. She further argues, “The survival of French Louisiana was due not only to African labor but also to African technology. The introduction from Africa of rice seeds and of slaves who knew how to cultivate rice assured the only reliable food crop that could be grown in the swamplands in and around New Orleans” (pg. 121). Additionally, “The Africans arrived in an extremely fluid society where a socio-racial hierarchy was ill defined and hard to enforce” (pg. 128). Hall cautions, “French New Orleans was a brutal, violent place. But it cannot be understood by projecting contemporary attitudes toward race backward in time. There is no evidence of the racial exclusiveness and contempt that characterizes more recent times” (pg. 155).
Hall writes, “After the United States took over Louisiana, creole cultural identification became a means of distinguishing that which was truly native to Louisiana from that which was Anglo. Creole has come to mean the language and the folk culture that was native to the southern part of Louisiana where African, French, and Spanish influence was most deeply rooted historically and culturally” (pg. 157). She continues, “The debt that poor whites of Louisiana owe to the maroon communities of the eighteenth century is engraved on the language they still speak today. The Cajuns and the Canary Islanders, poverty-stricken immigrants who came to Louisiana during the last half of the eighteenth century, had to learn to adapt to the swamps, an environment that was totally foreign to them. The ancestors of the fiercely defiant and independent people who live in the swamps of Louisiana learned to survive, physically and economically, from the runaway slaves who first sought refuge there” (pg. 236).
Following the Spanish takeover of New Orleans, Hall writes, “There is no doubt that Africans were, by far, the largest group of people introduced into Spanish Louisiana” (pg. 277). She continues, “The cultural impact of the Africans introduced into Spanish Louisiana was magnified by conditions prevailing in the colony. While it has become a truism that masters separated slaves who were from the same African nations, in Pointe Coupee, slaves from the same nations and/or who spoke mutually intelligible languages were often clustered on the same estates” (pg. 293-294). While violence continued, Hall writes, “The tradition of violence and brutality did not, however, include hysteria about the purity of white womanhood and paranoic fears about the rape of white women by black men” (pg. 313).
Hall concludes, “The Point Coupee Conspiracy of 1795 was a turning point in the attitude toward slave control in Louisiana” (pg. 376). In this event, “The slaves proved themselves to be both competent and indomitable. The semi-egalitarian tradition among masters and salves born on the insecure frontier gave way to systematic, preventative terror” (pg. 376).½